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.Under this system, the slave states would do the work of emancipationthemselves, without the legal risks which would result from federal emancipa-tion, and the federal government would only have to provide the self-interestedmotive of money.But once again, none did which is why there had to be anEmancipation Proclamation.Although the Emancipation Proclamation is routinely spoken of as thoughit were a single document, there are in fact four Emancipation Proclama-tions the so-called  First Draft of July 22, 1862; the  Preliminary Eman-cipation Proclamation of September 22, 1862; the final draft, submitted anddiscussed at the cabinet meetings of December 29 and 31, 1862; and the formalproclamation of January 1, 1863 all of which differ markedly from eachother, and some parts of which were not even of Lincoln s composing.Butthere are also three other Lincoln documents which qualify as emancipationproclamations which are far less well known the November 1861 plan forcompensated emancipation, which Lincoln drew up for George P.Fisher tointroduce into the Delaware legislature; the March 6, 1862, joint resolutionhe drafted for, and presented to, Congress to endorse national compensated 128 understanding emancipationemancipation; and the July 14, 1862, bill he drafted for Congress to implementthe national compensated emancipation plan.And then there are five otheremancipation proclamations, not of Lincoln s authorship and, in some cases,rivals to Lincoln s own plans.These are the local emancipations announced byJohn Charles Frémont in Missouri and Major General David Hunter in theoccupied Carolina coastal districts (and subsequently cancelled by Lincoln),and Congress s own emancipation decrees the First Confiscation Act ofAugust 1861; the emancipation bill for the District of Columbia in April 1862;and the Second Confiscation Act of July 17, 1862 all of which were describedas  emancipation proclamations in the national press.Surveying them together, the broad picture which emerges from thesedocuments over the course of thirteen months in 1861 and 1862 is the claritywith which Lincoln s face was set toward emancipation from the first.The timethat elapsed between Lincoln s inauguration and the issue of the proclamationwas not a question of emancipation itself, nor was it a question of whetheremancipation was secondary to the preservation of the Union, nor even thesupposed practicability of emancipating slaves lest it jeopardize the Union.Itwas a question about the means of emancipating, and that was complicatedin Lincoln s understanding, first by the political and legal entanglements ofslavery, and then by the war.No single factor in this was more important inLincoln s mind than the limited reach of the federal government; slavery was amatter of individual state enactments, and even the slave code which governedthe District of Columbia was only an enforcement of the existing Marylandand Virginia codes, not a product of federal statute. As an anti-slavery manI have a motive to desire emancipation, which pro-slavery men do not have,Lincoln wrote, but  the general government, sets up no claim of a right, byfederal authority, to interfere with slavery within state limits, referring, asit does, the absolute control of the subject, in each case, to the state and it speople, immediately interested. 7But this did not mean that the federal government could not put motives toemancipate in their minds that would hasten the decision, something whichboth Lincoln and the Southern secessionists keenly appreciated.Principally, thefederal government could offer financial incentives, by providing emancipationsubsidies to the slave states, and social incentives, by allowing the state legis-latures to set their own emancipation timetables,  making the emancipationgradual and compensating the unwilling owners [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]
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