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.Performers made personal appearances and fan magazines werepublished.By May 1911, the Edison company had started to provide on-screen credits for its actors.Within two years after the first naming of filmactors, cinema had discovered many of the basic promotional tools stillused to sell stars today.For de Cordova, the name of the performer was central to theintertextuality of the picture personality's image.At one level, the namefunctioned to construct the picture personality as an on-screen identity,linking performances in separate films: 'Personality existed as an effect of.the representation of character across a number of films' (1990: 86).The effect of the name extended beyond the screen, however, into storiescarried by the press and fan magazines, yet de Cordova sees this extra-filmic discourse limited to discussion of the on-screen work and roles ofpersonalities.For this reason, knowledge of personalities remainedanchored in the performer's on-screen life, with the identities ofpersonalities defined in terms of 'a professional existence - a history ofappearances in films and plays and a personality gleaned from thoseappearances' (p.92).While the personality discourse was an important stage in theemergence of the star system, for de Cordova the system itself was onlyfully realised after 1913 when stories circulated in the press about the off-screen lives of popular film performers.This new realm of knowledge31 SHORT CUTSintroduced readers to life behind the screen, so that the star was knownnot only through his or her roles but also as 'a character in a narrativequite separable from his or her work in any film' (p.99).By combiningknowledge of on-screen and off-screen lives, star discourse constructedboth a professional and private existence for performers.In the stardiscourse, de Cordova identifies a central concern with distinguishing themoral healthiness of work in cinema against life in theatre.Compared tothe night-time work, travelling and general insecurities of the theatre,working in films was represented as offering regular daytime conditionsconducive to maintaining stable domestic and familial lives.Another set of concerns with the private existence of film performerscame through reporting the wealthy lifestyles enjoyed by stars.With bighomes and expensive cars, the lifestyle of stars exemplified the values ofthe consumer economy.Stardom and consumerism both share anelement of fantasy and desire.Consumerism is escapist, promoting thefantasy of living beyond basic necessities.The market suggestsconsumers are free to choose what they want rather than what theyneed.Through the exercise of choice, consumption takes on theappearance of an act of individual self-expression.Advertising becomesa vital component of the consumer economy, using the image of things tostimulate desire.Images of wealth, freedom and individualism aretherefore fundamental to consumerism and since the start of the starsystem, popular film performers have played a significant role inpromoting those values.With many stars known to have come from humble backgrounds, theglorification of consumption in the coverage of star lifestyles presentedthe trappings of stardom as material pleasures which could belegitimately aspired to and possibly achieved by one and all.As LaryMay observes in his discussion of press reporting on the lifestyles ofDouglas Fairbanks and Mary Pickford, 'they demonstrated how modernconsumption allowed one to emulate the styles of the high and mighty*(1980: 145-6).By representing the moral rectitude of performers' lives, star discoursepromoted the image of the whole cinema business.Through controlling32 THE STAR SYSTEMwhat became known about a star's private existence, productioncompanies could actively manage the image of the industry, protectingit against those critics who were eager to dismiss cinema as morallydegraded and in need of censorial intervention.With many early starsplaying on-screen roles as virtuous heroes and heroines whose moralcourse withstood whatever challenges were put in its way, therepresentation of a wholesome off-screen existence achieved moralclosure between the star's on-screen and off-screen images.During theearly 1920s however, newspaper stories began to appear which disruptedthat closure.Between 1920-1921, several stories broke about the divorcesof stars such as Conway Tearle, Clara Kimbell Young, Francis X.Bushmanand Douglas Fairbanks (see de Cordova 1990).Initially, these storiesreceived little attention by the press.From late-1921, however, a series ofhigh profile scandals made headlines and had a profound effect on stardiscourse [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.Performers made personal appearances and fan magazines werepublished.By May 1911, the Edison company had started to provide on-screen credits for its actors.Within two years after the first naming of filmactors, cinema had discovered many of the basic promotional tools stillused to sell stars today.For de Cordova, the name of the performer was central to theintertextuality of the picture personality's image.At one level, the namefunctioned to construct the picture personality as an on-screen identity,linking performances in separate films: 'Personality existed as an effect of.the representation of character across a number of films' (1990: 86).The effect of the name extended beyond the screen, however, into storiescarried by the press and fan magazines, yet de Cordova sees this extra-filmic discourse limited to discussion of the on-screen work and roles ofpersonalities.For this reason, knowledge of personalities remainedanchored in the performer's on-screen life, with the identities ofpersonalities defined in terms of 'a professional existence - a history ofappearances in films and plays and a personality gleaned from thoseappearances' (p.92).While the personality discourse was an important stage in theemergence of the star system, for de Cordova the system itself was onlyfully realised after 1913 when stories circulated in the press about the off-screen lives of popular film performers.This new realm of knowledge31 SHORT CUTSintroduced readers to life behind the screen, so that the star was knownnot only through his or her roles but also as 'a character in a narrativequite separable from his or her work in any film' (p.99).By combiningknowledge of on-screen and off-screen lives, star discourse constructedboth a professional and private existence for performers.In the stardiscourse, de Cordova identifies a central concern with distinguishing themoral healthiness of work in cinema against life in theatre.Compared tothe night-time work, travelling and general insecurities of the theatre,working in films was represented as offering regular daytime conditionsconducive to maintaining stable domestic and familial lives.Another set of concerns with the private existence of film performerscame through reporting the wealthy lifestyles enjoyed by stars.With bighomes and expensive cars, the lifestyle of stars exemplified the values ofthe consumer economy.Stardom and consumerism both share anelement of fantasy and desire.Consumerism is escapist, promoting thefantasy of living beyond basic necessities.The market suggestsconsumers are free to choose what they want rather than what theyneed.Through the exercise of choice, consumption takes on theappearance of an act of individual self-expression.Advertising becomesa vital component of the consumer economy, using the image of things tostimulate desire.Images of wealth, freedom and individualism aretherefore fundamental to consumerism and since the start of the starsystem, popular film performers have played a significant role inpromoting those values.With many stars known to have come from humble backgrounds, theglorification of consumption in the coverage of star lifestyles presentedthe trappings of stardom as material pleasures which could belegitimately aspired to and possibly achieved by one and all.As LaryMay observes in his discussion of press reporting on the lifestyles ofDouglas Fairbanks and Mary Pickford, 'they demonstrated how modernconsumption allowed one to emulate the styles of the high and mighty*(1980: 145-6).By representing the moral rectitude of performers' lives, star discoursepromoted the image of the whole cinema business.Through controlling32 THE STAR SYSTEMwhat became known about a star's private existence, productioncompanies could actively manage the image of the industry, protectingit against those critics who were eager to dismiss cinema as morallydegraded and in need of censorial intervention.With many early starsplaying on-screen roles as virtuous heroes and heroines whose moralcourse withstood whatever challenges were put in its way, therepresentation of a wholesome off-screen existence achieved moralclosure between the star's on-screen and off-screen images.During theearly 1920s however, newspaper stories began to appear which disruptedthat closure.Between 1920-1921, several stories broke about the divorcesof stars such as Conway Tearle, Clara Kimbell Young, Francis X.Bushmanand Douglas Fairbanks (see de Cordova 1990).Initially, these storiesreceived little attention by the press.From late-1921, however, a series ofhigh profile scandals made headlines and had a profound effect on stardiscourse [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]